Cote d'Ivoire
Close ties to France since independence in 1960, the development of cocoa production for export, and foreign investment made Cote d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) one of the most prosperous of the tropical African states. Falling cocoa prices and political turmoil, however, sparked an economic downturn in 1999 and 2000. On 25 December 1999, a military coup - the first ever in Cote d'Ivoire's history - overthrew the government led by President Henri Konan Bedie. Presidential and legislative elections held in October and December 2000 provoked violence due to the exclusion of opposition leader Alassane Ouattara.
In October 2000, Laurent Gbagbo replaced junta leader Robert Guei as President, ending 10 months of military rule. Gbagbo was declared President following a recount of the October 2000 election results. He defeated General Robert Guei in a controversial election that saw candidates from the country's two main parties -- Ivory Coast Democratic Party (PDCI) and Rally of the Republicans (RDR) -- excluded from the race. Gbagbo's government faced a new crisis in September 2002 when a troop mutiny placed the country on the brink of civil war.
Gbago and the rebels who hold the north of the country have been in a political deadlock ever since (see "Recent Incident" below). Gbagbo's mandate was renewed for one year by the U.N. Security Council in November 2006, pending elections in one year's time.
Travelers are currently urged to avoid and it is recommended that expatriate personnel leave Cote d'Ivoire, due to sporadic and serious civil unrest affecting all parts of the country, including Abidjan. In November-December 2004 and at other times, pro-government militants have targeted foreigners in Abidjan and elsewhere.
The rebel Patriotic Movement of Ivory Coast staged the uprising in September 2002 against the government of President Gbagbo and still hold areas in the north, including the cities of Bouake and Korhogo. French and U.N. troops are in the country in a peacekeeping operation, but they are strongly resented by government supporters, and there have been several violent episodes in Abidjan. In late 2004, attacks against French troops provoked harsh reactions from the French military (destruction of all but one of the nation's helicopters) and widespread anti-French protests.
Thousands of expatriates fled the country in November 2004 as riots enveloped Abidjan. US and French troops carried off one of the largest civilian evacuations in African history as rioters went house-to-house seeking Westerners to "thrash". President Gbagbo banned protests until March 2005, but his control over his supporters (and his willingness to rein them in) are questionable. Current anti-French, anti-Western sentiment runs very deep. The mostly Christian residents of Abidjan feel they should be able to overcome the rebels in the north in the absence of Western interference, despite the fact that they were almost crushed by rebels in 2002. Likewise, the Islamic rebels in the north, who are also members of different ethnic groups than those in the south, have no love for Westerners.
Many of the rebels come from the largely Muslim north of the country and have long complained of discrimination by Christian southerners, who do not regard them as legitimate Ivoiriens. The rebels have been calling for the overthrow of President Gbagbo and for fresh elections in which all political parties would be allowed to participate.
The "government of national unity" has failed to regain administrative control over the country's full territory. Polls were supposed to take place at the end of October 2005, but were deferred to an unspecified date in the subsequent 12-month period. The latest dispute is over a series of laws passed by President Gbagbo in mid-July on nationality, identity and the electoral process. International mediators say that the reforms conform to prior peace accords, but the rebels have protested and are refusing to move into cantonment sites ahead of an eventual disarmament. The Independent Electoral Commission is still not up and running because there is disagreement about what its responsibilities are. Gbagbo wants the National Statistics Institute to handle the drawing up of the electoral register and the distribution of voting cards, as in the past, but the opposition and rebels are wary because the NSI is under government control, and they fear it could give cards only to Gbagbo's supporters.
Despite the conflict's adverse affects on the overall Ivorian economy, so far there is no sign that oil production has been affected by the turmoil.
The Liberia/Ivory Coast border region became much more unstable in late 2004 and potentially more dangerous. Travelers to this region and other areas of the country may encounter roadblocks, armed military personnel, vehicle searches, and police shakedowns. Travelers arriving at or departing from Abidjan's international airport or over land borders often experience harassment from customs or immigration officials. In times of unrest, loyalist militants often block the road to the airport, and the government may close the facility altogether.
